�鶹��ý

Workers across Colombia went on strike over May 28–29, in support of President Gustavo �ʱ�ٰ���’s proposed labour reforms and to protest the attempts by the right-wing opposition to obstruct them in the Congress. Workers joined students, social organisations and indigenous groups in marches across the country.

�ʱ�ٰ���’s include: establishing indefinite-term contracts as the norm; progressively reducing the working week from 48 to 42 hours without affecting take-home pay; progressively raising public holiday pay; guaranteeing a minimum wage and rights to social security for gig workers, such as delivery drivers; and facilitating the creation and strengthening of trade unions.

Colombia’s Senate — dominated by a majority of right and far-right parties — blocked the reforms twice, most recently .

In response, Petro announced on April 22 a proposal for a non-binding referendum, allowing Colombians to vote on the proposed reforms, along with questions related to healthcare and pensions.

The Senate the referendum proposal on May 14, with 49 votes to 47.

In a  on X, Petro raised allegations of serious irregularities and fraud in the Senate’s voting procedures.

Senate president Efraín Cepeda, “leader of the gang to sink [�ʱ�ٰ���’s] reforms”, as soon as there was a “no” majority, excluding Martha Peralta of the Historic Pact, �ʱ�ٰ���’s ruling coalition.

Meanwhile, right-wing Senator Ciro Ramírez — suspended pending a  — was also allowed to at the last minute to support the “no” vote.

This flies in the face of the popular support for the referendum, despite Petro's low personal approval rating. A survey found that , with at least 75% support for each of the questions.

Some of the proposed  relate to whether to introduce disability quotas, special pension payments for peasant farmers, time off for medical appointments and menstrual leave, indefinite contracts and access to social security for informal workers.

Take the next step

Following the Senate vote, Petro trade unions, peasant groups, community organisations, youth committees and the indigenous movement to immediately meet to “take the next step”. He called for the military in any resulting mobilisations.

A series of (open assemblies) — public meetings of government representatives, workers’ unions, social organisations and the general public — were held across the country. The Central Union of Workers (CUT) — the biggest trade union federation, with more than half a million members — the 48-hour strike at a May 19 assembly in Bogotá.

Notably, several speakers at the assembly the more drastic measure of an indefinite shutdown, until the labour reforms are enacted in full.

The Senate’s Fourth Commission — perhaps attempting to defuse the impending mobilisations — rushed to approve a watered-down version of the bill on May 27, which senators have until June 20 to consider. The new bill �ʱ�ٰ���’s proposal to strengthen youth workers’ rights, which would have guaranteed apprentices the minimum wage and other benefits.

Most worryingly, the bill introduces hourly contracts — a longstanding desire of big business groups in Colombia. Unions that hourly contracts harm workers by facilitating substandard pay, easier dismissal of workers, “ultra-flexible” contracts and a reduced pensions.

Big business

Senators from the opposition parties are acting in the interests of powerful business groups, to block the labour reforms since Petro introduced them to the bi-cameral Congress in March 2023. The bill was formed after between the government and unions, which put forward 3000 proposals to address the dire situation for workers.

Colombian workers face precarity, poor conditions and low wages — 15.7% of workers earn the minimum wage, while more than 40% earn less.

�ʱ�ٰ���’s attempts to improve conditions have been met with sabotage and fierce opposition from the economic elite, who exploit weak labour protections to maximise profits.

“The bourgeoisie, the economic power, the Colombian business community, have refused to accept even the most minimal reforms,” CUT vice-president Edgar Mojica Colombia Informa. “These reforms involved restoring some of the rights that more than 30 years of neoliberalism has stripped away from workers.”

Mojica urged Petro to implement labour reforms by decree, noting that “all governments in Colombia have implemented labour reforms against workers and the people via decree”.

“These include the formalisation of rural labour, the formalisation of all community mothers’ work, the return of multi-level collective bargaining rights to the private sector, the regulation of essential public services and the fundamental right to strike.”

Mojica emphasised that “popular power” is the only path forward for workers and social movements. CUT president Fabio Arias another national mobilisation for June 11.

Coal mining

The first day of the strike coincided with the , which aims to draw attention to the Swiss mining multinational’s and .

Glencore’s operations in Colombia are responsible for mass displacement, ecological ruin and violence against predominantly , particularly in the .

Land defenders from La Guajira — the province where Glencore operates El Cerrejón, one of the world’s biggest open-cut coal mines — mobilised against the “” happening in their territories and in Palestine.

Colombian coal made up of Israel’s total coal imports in 2023, 90% of which was supplied by Glencore and Drummond Company. While the Petro government coal exports to Israel in August last year, activists highlight the ongoing destruction of their land from mining.

Petro is vocal in condemning Israel’s genocide and was one of the first global leaders to take concrete action against the Zionist state. Colombia withdrew its ambassador to Israel, cut diplomatic ties, joined The Hague Group — which aims to hold Israel accountable under international law — and appointed its first ever on May 26.